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Tuesday, May 10, 2011

Affirmative Action is Just

by Vuyani Ngalwana

What is it about affirmative action that gets some people aploplectic and others apologetic? I venture to say it's lack of understanding, that's what.

A challenge to the implementation of affirmative action measures can never concern its philosophical basis, or its virtues or vices in whatever setting. It can also never concern an enquiry into its legal and moral rectitude.

The simple reason for this is that the debate as regards the philosophical, legal or moral rectitude of affirmative action was put to bed on 4 February 1997 when the Constitution, 1996, became law.

By sections 9(2) and 217(2) of the Constitution, the multi-party Constitutional Assembly (which adopted the final draft of the Constitution) and the Constitutional Court (which certified its provisions as being in compliance with all 34 constitutional principles) acknowledged that equality is an ideal whose achievement must be promoted through "legislative and other measures" if South Africans are to live by the constitutional values of human dignity, the achievement of equality, the advancement of human rights and freedoms, non-racialism, non-sexism, the supremacy of the Constitution and the rule of law.

While the Constitution accords everyone equality before the law (including the full and equal enjoyment of all rights and freedoms) and the right to equal protection and benefit of the law, it also allows for preferential treatment, by law, of persons or categories of persons who have been disadvantaged by unfair discrimination of the relatively recent past. That measure finds expression in s9(2) and s217(2) of the Constitution. s9(2) says

"To promote the achievement of equality, legislative and other measures designed to protect or advance persons, or categories of persons, disadvantaged by unfair discrimation may be taken."

s217(2) says while organs of state and government in all its spheres must procure goods and services in a manner that is fair, equitable, transparent, competitive and cost-effective, they are nonetheless not precluded from implementing a procurement policy that prefers persons or categories of persons disadvantaged by unfair discrimination with a view to protecting and advancing those persons.

These two constitutional provisions constitute the fons et origo of affirmative action. The "legislative measures" contemplated in the section come in the form of numerous Acts of Parliament intended to give content to the constitutional imperative of which the sections speak. These Acts of Parliament include the Employment Equity Act, 1998, (and regulations promulgated thereunder), the Preferential Procurement Policy Framework Act, 2000 (and its regulations) and the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act, 2003 (and regulations).

The express purpose of the Employment Equity Act is:

"to achieve equity in the workplace by ... promoting equal opportunity and fair treatment in employment through the elimination of unfair discrimination; and ... implementing affirmative action measures to redress the disadvantages in employment experienced by designated groups, in order to ensure their equitable representation in all occupational levels in the workforce."

In short, affirmative action is what it is. It is a measure that is intended constitutionally to prefer black people above white people both in employment and in the procurement of goods and services. The idea is to redress the effects of unfair discrimination over decades of apartheid. Beneficiaries of this measure should stop either being apologetic or in denial about it. White people who feel (whether genuinely or by design) adversely affected by it should learn to live with it and stop being aploplectic about it. This is a constitutional imperative - until the Constitution is amended.

There is nothing in any of these legislative measures that requires the promotion of incompetence above competence. The parallels that tend to be drawn between affirmative action and incompetence are simply mischievous.

For example, s15 of the Employment Equity Act defines "affirmative action measures" as being:

"measures designed to ensure that suitably qualified people from designated groups have equal employment opportunities and are equitably represented in all occupational categories and levels in the workforce of a designated employer."

The Constitutional Court has on numerous occasions acknowledged that remedial measures (such as affirmative action) will, as they must if they are to be effective, affect those advantaged by apartheid (white people) adversely. In Bato Star Fishing (Pty) Ltd v Minister of Environmental Affairs and Others 2004 (4) SA 490 (CC) the Court said:

"The emasures that bring about transformation will inevitably affect some members of the society adversely, particularly those coming from previously advantaged communities. It may well be that other considerations may have to yield in favour of achieving the goal we fashioned for ourselves in the Constitution."

That goal is the "constitutional commitment of achieving equality" through "affirmative action measures".

In Bel Porto School Governing Body and Others v Premier, Western Cape, and Another, the Counstitutional Court said:

"[I]n order to achieve the goals set in the Constitution, what has to be done in the process of transformation will at times inevitably weigh more heavily on some members of the community than others."
  
Put plainly, white people (because they generally benefitted from apartheid) will inevitably bear the brunt of constitutional redress of past racial inequalities the effects of which are still being felt today. There is absolutely no need to be pusillanimous about this. It is what it is. The Constitution and the Constitutional Court say so.

The Constitutional Court has also acknowledged the inordinate harm caused by apartheid to black people and that it is imperative that this be redressed not simply by passing laws by which racial discrimination is ended but rather by taking positive steps to extirpate the effects of that discrimination. It said in Bato Star:

"Our Constitution recognises that decades of systematic racial discrimination entrenched by the apartheid legal order cannot be eliminated without positive action being taken to achieve that result. We are required to do more than that. The effects of discrimination may continue indefinitely unless there is a commitment to end it."

Affirmative action gives content to that commitment to end the effects of racial discrimination.

To similar effect, the Court said the following in National Coalition for Gay and Lesbian Equality and Another v Minister of Justice and Others:  

"It is insufficient for the Constitution merely to ensure, through its Bill of Rights, that statutory provisions which have caused such unfair discrimination in the past are eliminated. Past unfair discrimination frequently has ongoing negative consequences, the continuation of which is not halted immediately when the initial causes thereof are eliminated, and unless remedied, may continue for a substantial time and even indefinitely." 

Thus, as South Africans we need to take our heads out of the sand and accept the fact that without affirmative action (more frankly, the preferential treatment of black people over whites generally in relation to employment opportunities and the procurement of goods and services) South Africa will never achieve achieve the constitutional goal for which the Constitution enjoins all of us to strive - substantive equality. Absent that, we shall have created fertile ground for disaffection which will in turn breed violent crime, corruption and the death of the rule of law.





5 comments:

  1. Ngalwana SC - please forgive me if I am jumping the gun here, I am not waiting for anybody to confer such a status on you, I am and this does not elecit a debate in anyway. On the article, its a great piece of work and hence I feel like you are a sage in matters of law! The inequalities are still glaring in this country, socially, professionally, economically and otherwise. Wether we like it or not these issues dovetail each other!Typical example, one mistake by a black counsel is tantamount to professional suicide and the same cannot be said about their counterparts who are given numerous opportunities of learning and developing into fully fledged professionals. Does the same treatment apply to all, the answer to that has to be in the negative and hence economic inequalities. On the issue of incompetence, we must assess the situation as a whole. I say this because other people are not necessarily incompetent but do not have a good command of the English language, but i have sat and listened to seasoned counsels in court not being able to express themselves in English (and they switch over to their mother tongue and drive a point home much better) and we do not have such a privilege. However, an adverse judgment on the personality and ability is infact made against blacks in such situations and they are thereafter labelled as failed attorneys/advocates! The nub of the matter is that we still have a long way to go and if our very own people in government do not lend an ear to the plight of their people when they are legally permitted to do so, then our future as a country, especially blacks, is oblique beyond comprehension. Through this platform, let us forge a way forward.

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  2. Many thanks for your comment, Ndumiso. By this blog I hope to conscientise people (as best I can) of the true constitutional picture as regards rights, obligations and interests on the socio-economic and political front. The blog has been necessitated by too much misinformation about what is really going on. I hope to express my views candidly, sparing no holy cows. I shall give praise where it is due, and criticise where it is necessary. But the primary purpose will be, hopefully, to share knowledge and experience. This is not to be a one-way street as I hope to learn from you and other friends who visit this blog.
    I should caution that I am not yet SC. Perhaps I'll get there soon if my peers approve.

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  3. This is a wonderful initiative!!!Leave no stone unturned...by the way, remember what I said, I am not waiting on anyone to confer such status on you so whether your peers approve or not, in my eyes you are sage on legal matters fit enough to take silk!!!

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  4. Eish Masedi, PHD is a challenge I wish we did not have. But it's there. Sadly, it is the sort of challenge that can in my view only be overcome by powers of reason and persuasion. If practitioners of PHD see nothing wrong with what they do (starting by denying being beneficiaries of AA and then, in any event, denying that they are engaged in that practice) then I fear we can only hope they are in the minority. How do you propose the challenge of PHD can be addressed beyond persuasion? I try at every opportunity to have conversations about these things without accusing people of things. In my experience, once you start a conversation by accusing, people get defensive and so the power of persuasion is thereby neutralised because then they've stopped listening and are simply bent on defening themselves. It's a natural human reaction, I'm afraid. Your thoughts on an alternative approach would be appreciated, mhlekazi.

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  5. Affirmative action has only benefited a few and it's goals could have been reached in a less draconian manner. Such as for instance, tax incentives which would also have had a knock on effect of stimulating economic growth (which South Africa needs at the moment).

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